Good morning, Hong Kong!
Garden Life Bread 嘉頓生命麵包 has become popular again in Hong Kong recently.
𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐬𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐰𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐧𝐞𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐤𝐧𝐨𝐰 𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐞𝐧 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞 𝐛𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐝 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐞𝐧:
1. The first loaf of “Life Bread” was introduced in 1960 with extra vitamins and folic acid added for the good of HongKongers.
2. Garden was the first food company in HK to use waxed paper for packaging to keep Life Bread fresh. They are still using iconic blue and white waxed paper!
3. Garden’s bread production lines operate on a 24-hour basis!
4. During the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Garden manufactured 200,000 pounds of Army Crackers over seven consecutive days - a feat that was regarded as impossible!
5. Garden was the first local food company to use four-colour printing on poster promotions.
6. Garden was the first company to use tins to pack mooncakes in HK!
𝗪𝐡𝐲 𝐢𝐬 𝐢𝐭 𝐧𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐝 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐞𝐧?
The founders - Mr. Cheung 張子芳先生 and Mr. Wong 黃華岳先生 discussed their plan to open a bakery shop in Hong Kong Botanical Garden 香港動植物公園 and thus named it “Garden”.
𝗪𝐡𝐲 𝐢𝐬 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐞𝐧 𝐋𝐢𝐟𝐞 𝐁𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐝 𝐛𝐞𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐩𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐫 𝐚𝐠𝐚𝐢𝐧?
A police officer was filmed using a loudhailer to ask protesters in the sieged PolyU to surrender. He told the protesters that he can go to ShenZhen for Hotpot and cold beer but the protesters can only have Life Bread inside the sieged campus.
A loaf of bread has become a new symbol for Hong Kong’s pro-democracy protesters.
Photo 3 : online source (OpenRice)
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同時也有5部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過1萬的網紅せかたん世界幸せ探検隊,也在其Youtube影片中提到,中国の深圳でローカルフードを食べていくらでお腹いっぱいになるのか?調査してみた結果...中国の驚きの物価に二人とも大喜び! 🔻せかたん LINEスタンプをGetする‼︎🔻 https://line.me/S/sticker/7624826 ▼チャンネル登録してね♪▼ http://www.you...
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shenzhen local food 在 護台胖犬 劉仕傑 Facebook 的最佳解答
【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】
美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授最近在《外交事務》(Foreign Affairs)雜誌的專文,值得一看。
黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師,小英總統去哥大演講時,正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴,黎安友也是座上賓。
這篇文章的標題是:「中國如何看待香港危機:北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。
文章很長,而且用英文寫,需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。
Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎,是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位,我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。
這篇文章,是在回答一個疑問:中共為何在香港事件如此自制?有人說是怕西方譴責,有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。
都不是。這篇文章認為,上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。
無論你多痛恨中共,你都必須真實面對你的敵人。
中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的,當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在,中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。
文章有一句話:“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。
中共一點都不焦慮。相反地,中共很有自信,香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體,到最後會支持中共。
這個分化的心理基礎,來自經濟上的利益。
文中還提到,鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制,就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。
1997年,香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年,這個比例降到2.8%。
今日的香港經濟,在中共的評估,是香港需要中國,而不是中國需要香港。
中共正在在意的,是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價,在過去十年內三倍翻漲。
文章是這樣描述:
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”
無論你同不同意這些說法,都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。
有趣的是,黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源(但他並沒有加上個人評論),部分是他自己的觀察。
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新書:《 我在外交部工作 》
**
黎安友原文:
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4
How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint
By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019
Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.
Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.
But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.
Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.
This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”
ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS
Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.
But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.
Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.
At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.
Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.
Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.
IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS
The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.
Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.
CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?
As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.
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中国で食べ歩きしてみたらすげぇ色々な事に気がついた!
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訂閱402sinmingashley - 每週出新片
#新加坡 #新加坡咸蛋魚皮#singapore #402sinmingashley #singaporetravel
==========================
在新加坡買了很多魚皮回港, 同事們還以為在香港擺檔 '0'
當然不是啦, 只是當作手信罷了.
4種口味試過了, 你又喜歡哪一種?
=============================
1) The golden duck co.
https://thegoldenduck.co/
2) snacky & crisps新食鍋
https://www.snackycrisps.com/
3) Crusty's鴨爸FISH SKIN 鹹蛋魚皮
4) Irvins Salted egg
https://irvinsaltedegg.com/
=========================
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https://youtu.be/hRkq9QEItnY
2) 明洞街頭小食+ 酒店早餐 Myeong Dong Street food + Breakfast https://youtu.be/1PCyCKudoqw
3) 怎樣在首爾買人蔘? How to buy the ginseng in Seoul?
https://youtu.be/l-Y-HEbfPqc
=========================
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1) 深圳Vlog︱香港人開大陸銀行戶口很容易嗎?︱is it fine for HK people to register bank account in China?
https://youtu.be/2p26n3dKy4k
2) 我的過大禮︱不專業過大禮儀式、流程與籌備︱香港vlog ︱Hong Kong vlog︱Chinese pre-wedding︱Ashley
https://youtu.be/SKHagoouSnU
3) Hong Kong Vlog︱梅窩一日遊Ep1︱香港離島遊︱梅窩適合都是市人居住嗎?
https://youtu.be/Nni1n3rIaG4
=================
Ashley ♥深圳人氣影片
1) 藝遊深圳?!Ep11︱帶老媽遊深圳teamlab︱ 充滿藝術、科技、重拾童真的好地方︱China Vlog
https://youtu.be/kCabNU6zQig
2) 藝遊深圳?!Ep9︱想不到深圳酒店也有這種意想不到的貼心服務! 猜猜是甚麼??︱An unexpected hotel in Shenzhen, China?︱ China Vlog
https://youtu.be/VDae_LZlylA
3) 藝遊深圳?!Ep4︱深圳笋崗一日遊︱wedding materials in Sungang, Shenzhen︱China Vlog
https://youtu.be/2p26n3dKy4k
=========================
Ashley ♥日本人氣影片
1) 奈良篇: 餵小鹿之正確方法?!︱日本京阪遊Ep9︱不專業交通路線
https://youtu.be/KqFOonFrfIs
2) 日本京阪遊Ep1︱在京都車站吃甚麼?︱拉麵小路︱Porta地下街
https://youtu.be/EJXecEOtVXY
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Video Info:
Music:
youtube audio library
==================
Edited on Adobe Premiere Pro CC
Filmed from iphone 7plus
It is not sponsored video and edited by 402sinming Ashley
shenzhen local food 在 serpentza Youtube 的精選貼文
They're calling me a foreigner! Chinese immigrants are calling local Americans foreigners in their own country! Why?
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shenzhen local food 在 广东省深圳市(Shenzhen, Guangdong) - Local Business 的推薦與評價
广东省深圳市(Shenzhen, Guangdong), Shenzhen, Guangdong, China. 35 likes. Local business. ... <看更多>
shenzhen local food 在 DOWNTOWN SHENZHEN & CANTONESE FOOD - YouTube 的推薦與評價
... quick tour of Shenzhen in south China's Guangdong province next to Hong Kong, walking around the Nanshan district trying local classic. ... <看更多>